INTRODUCTION
Long before the Malawi
media took shape in earnest, three professors of communication, Fred S.
Siebert, Theodore Peterson and Wilbur Schramm came up with the book Four
Theories of the Press in 1956 which still made sense even during the
colonial authority, when Malawi published her first newspaper.
The colonial
period of 1891 to 1963, single party - 1964 to 1992 and the democratic pluralism,
which started in 1993 best categorised Malawi’s three phases of political
history which cannot be divorced from its media archetype.
The broadcasting
history for Malawi starts from the Federal Broadcasting Corporation to Radio
Malawi in 1963 and Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) on the attainment of
Independence. MBC remained a sole broadcaster in the country until 1998 when a
first ‘private’ commercial radio was launched.
The same tale
would also be told of the television services when the Malawi Television (TVM)
was the only one broadcasting to Malawians from Malawi from 1998 until ‘religious’
television stations were given licences in the early 2000.
Going by what each
theory stands for when we consider the Four Theories of the Press, there
is a sneaking temptation to try to identify Malawi with each, considering the
five regimes that have come and went, starting with the British Colonial
Authority, the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) single party rule of President
Hastings Kamuzu Banda and the three multiparty regimes of Bakili Muluzi’s
United Democratic Front (UDF), Bingu wa Mutharika’s Democratic Progressive
Party (DPP) and the current Joyce Banda’s Peoples’ Party(PP).
In this write-up, I
will tackle the question “Have the Four Theories of the Press outlived
their usefulness in explaining government-media relationship in Malawi?”
By picking out each
theory (Authoritarian, Libertarian, Soviet/Communist, and Social
Responsibility) and try to fit it in
the Malawi frame, and establish its relevance or lack of it, I will be able to
tell the history of Malawi media and the intricacies that have made it grow
skins in the face of political pressure over the years.
The
authoritarian theory
Praveen Karthik says[1]
under the authoritarian theory, the state, as the highest expression of
institutionalized structure, supersedes the individual runs the state on behalf of the not so
competent and interested citizenry that is considered unable to make critical
political decisions.
In Malawi, under the
authoritarian theory the President or a ruling political party are the ones in
a leadership role.
Before the Colonial
government realised that the publications of missionaries – earliest published
in 1881 (Chitsulo & Mang’anda 2011) – were not the right channel to
communicate through, it was these religious groupings which were taking the
role of the elite group under the authoritarian theory to exercise social
control through the religious teachings.
The colonial government,
however, took over this role in 1894 with their official mouth piece The British Central African Gazette
(Chitsulo & Mang’anda 2011) to articulate government policies and highlight
its activities, especially in the critical areas of agriculture, legislation,
health, weather and human resources.
This was befitting the
chief purpose of the authoritarian theory which is to support and advance the
policies of the government in power and to service the state (Severin &
Tankard 2010)[2].
However when in 1895
two Zomba based white settlers, R.S. Hynde and R.R. Stark started producing The Central African Planter it still did
not take away the fact that the authoritarian theory was in play as ownership
is in the hands of the public through their government and the private sector.
As an instrument of
effecting government policy, not necessarily government owned though, The Central African Planter announced in
its first publication that it was an organ devoted to the planting interests of
the community, which it claimed the British Central Africa depended on.
As power exchanged
hands, with the exiting of the colonial government and the entering into mantle
of leadership by MCP, it was an indication that the party wanted to advance its
position.
In 1959 MCP established Malawi News which came into the scene
as a political and Independence fighting tool.
This was proven to be
true, when after attaining self-rule in 1963, Independence in 1964 and a
republican status in 1966 the publication continued with propaganda for MCP and
development initiatives for the new government. (Chitsulo & Mang’anda
2011).
Chitsulo and Mang’anda
rightly strengthen this position when they put it this way:
“It was joined by in
the MCP stable by a sister publication, The Times, later renamed today’s
The Daily Times which Dr. [Hastings
Kamuzu] Banda the self styled President for life had acquired from Blantyre
Printing and Publishing Company.”
As a description of the post-colonial media system
Professor Fackson Banda writing about Malawi and Zambia[3]
once said upon the liberation of both countries from British colonialism, the
structure of media ownership changed. Hitherto privately owned media became
“nationalised”, which meant that they became the property of the state.
Banda says to extend this point: it meant that the
ruling parties became key players in the ownership of the media. This is
particularly evident in the Malawian case.
Indeed, this integration of the media into the
structure of the then-ruling MCP degenerated into a media legacy that Prof. Banda
says has come to be described as follows:
• Complete control of the media by the
political elite (recruitment, editorial content, etc.).
• Stifled independent media.
• Monopolisation and control of the
Blantyre Print & Publishing Company and the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation
by the Government.
• Insufficient funding to stimulate
establishment of more printing and publishing houses and electronic media.
It is within this
period that MBC was also launched to have one voice as Dr. Banda argued that
pluralistic media ...would impede progress and invite rancour and disunity.
(Manjawira & Mitunda 2011)[4]
These media outlets
were then turned into instruments that took the positions of educators and
propagandists that propagated the one party policies of the MCP government.
Those that practiced
journalism at the time were also considered privileged and therefore owed an
obligation to the leadership.
This was also the entry
point when multiparty system of government led by UDF and President Bakili
Muluzi took over power.
Muluzi and UDF made
journalists their puppets where the media that published and broadcast anti-government
news would not be supported financially or otherwise, thereby forcing the media
to tow a party line and fell into the tentacles of the authoritarian theory.
The same was
perpetuated by the DPP government of Bingu wa Mutharika and lately President
Joyce Banda through the arrests of media practitioners and her refusal to
append her signature to the Table Mountain Declaration.
PP’s action is in a way
a means to force the mass media to operate in a certain set up that befits a
similar role as it posits an authority that is appropriately taking after authoritarian
portrayal, where the media can only operate under a kind of freedom as the
national leadership, at any particular time, is willing to permit.
The
libertarian theory
Considering that
England adopted the libertarian theory in the 1688 (Severin & Tankard 2010)
and that it can be traced back to England and the American colonies of the
seventeenth century, one would suggest that Malawi being under the British
Colonial powers would enjoy the benefits of this theory more than it did with
the authoritarian theory.
It only had to wait
until the multiparty system of government in Malawi in 1994, that the country
enjoyed more benefits of the libertarian theory whose chief purpose (Severin
& Tankard 2010) is to inform, entertain, and sell, although chiefly is to
help discover truth and to check on government although this could not be
earned with 100 percent rake as the political leadership indirectly still gave
room to the authoritarian theory.
During Bakili Muluzi
regime, Blantyre Newspapers Limited (BNL) was not being patronised by
government for its critical stand against his rule.
Muluzi also warned he
would resort to using sedition laws against the media that insulted him (Ifex
17 June 1996)[5]
saying under the 1930 Penal Code for Sedition a person could be charged with
sedition for inciting dissent against the president.
Previously, as was
reported by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on 21 May, President
Muluzi had also warned journalists that he would not tolerate what he called
"inaccurate reporting" which harmed the country's image. Muluzi was
apparently angered by a newspaper report which alleged that a local company had
given him a free vehicle in order to give that company favourable treatment.
According to an IFEX
alert of May 21, 1996 although Muluzi said that press freedom was guaranteed in
Malawi, he reportedly stressed that "If I seek legal advice, journalists
should not squeal and try to hoodwink the international community that the
president of Malawi and members of his government are depriving journalists of
their freedom".
The successor to Muluzi, late President Bingu wa
Mutharika, had his own share of the tendency to make authoritarian and
libertarian theories co-exists, especially when he was serving his second and
last term (Gondwe 2011)[6].
He became notorious in the world media sphere when
he championed the amendment of Section 46 of the Penal Code, which empowers
information minister to ban any publication s/he would be injurious for public
consumption.
In March 2009, Mutharika’s government released a
circular to ministries and government departments ordering them to stop
subscribing to and advertising in all three publications of the privately owned
Nation Publications Limited.
What followed was that on 26 August 2010, Mutharika
warned, “I will close down newspapers that lie and tarnish my government's
image”. Mutharika was angered by the weekly Malawi
News which had quoted a food security forecast by the Southern African
Development Community that said more than a million Malawians faced starvation
because of poor rains in several districts.
This was one of Mutharika's first public attacks on
privately owned newspapers. “If I close you down, you'll rush to donors to say
Bingu is suppressing the press,” he said. “I will close down any newspaper that
publishes lies. You can go to the donors and I'll ask them whether in their
countries they tolerate lies,” he continued.
True to his words, on 29 October 2010, the
government banned The Weekend Times,
with immediate effect. The weekly evening tabloid is published by the
100-year-old newspaper group BNL, and famous for exposing fraud and sex scandals
involving public figures.
The banning order came from the National Archives,
and quoted the 1958 Printed Publications Act, which demands that all newspapers
be registered and deposit a copy of each of their publications with the
National Archives.
BNL, however, applied for and received a stay order
from the courts that restrained the government from implementing its decision
and indication that, here the private sector was following the libertarian
press theory which considers man as a rational animal with inherent natural
rights; one of which is the right to pursue truth, and in the process
restraining potential interferes from the authority like Mutharika, in this
instance.
Barely five months after Joyce Banda took over
presidency Media Institute of Southern Africa (Misa) put out an alert
concerning proposed law that would impose stricter regulations on internet
communications and force editors of online publications to register their
personal details with the state.
The attitude of President Banda’s government was
manifested in October last year, (Somerville, 2012) when Justice Mponda, a
journalist for the news website Malawi
Voice, was arrested on charges of insulting the president, criminal
libel and publishing false information.
Although the chief purpose
of libertarian theory remain that that a free press working in a laissez faire
and unfettered situation will naturally result in a pluralism of information
and viewpoints necessary in a democratic society, it remains to be seen if the
Malawi media can work without being systematically clamped down.
The
Soviet/communist theory
Malawi was siding the
West during the cold war and at no time did it ever come under the spotlight of
the communist theory of the press, whose chief purpose was to contribute to the
success and continuance of the soviet socialist system.
The Mass media, under
this theory, is state-owned and closely controlled media existing solely as arm
of the state.
Of Malawi’s five regimes
none has ever attempted to make the media part of the state apparatus. Although
others would try to argue otherwise, this theory has never existed in Malawi
and still holds no future potential to appear again especially considering that
even in countries where it is still being practiced like in China there have
been remarkable changes.
But even thought the
majority of the media in China today are still owned by the state, there are
some joint ventures already with foreign investment, including a joint-venture
Internet service in technology information between the People’s Daily and the
News Corp owned by Australian media tycoon, Rupert Murdoch (Reuters, 1998)[7].
The
social responsibility theory
According to this
theory, its main purpose is to inform, entertain, and sell. Chiefly it is to
raise conflict to the plane of discussion (Severin & Tankard).
This is a theory that
can also be identified with the current Malawi media sphere.
With what is now
referred to as ‘Citizen Journalism’ where newspapers like The Weekend Nation now carries special pages, as well as the new
social forums on the internet like Facebook, Twitter as well as interactive
websites for online media publications, it is clear that this theory has found
enough room to flourish.
Conclusion
In trying to answer the
questions who has the right to use the media under this theory and how are
media controlled, (Severin & Tankard) answered that everyone has something
to say, community opinion, consumer action, and professional ethics.
Although this social
responsibility theory is a product of mid-twentieth century America, its
proponents say it has its roots in libertarian theory. As rightly captured by
Karthik, this theory goes beyond the libertarian theory, in that it places more
emphasis on the press's responsibility to society than on the press's freedom.
As rightly
captured by (African Media Barometer 2012), there is a considerable amount of
legislation, which can be used to restrict freedom of expression in Malawi
which can work against the social responsibility theory and these include
sections of:
• The Penal Code
of 1930, which criminalises libel, sedition and defamation; and
• The Protected
Flag, Emblems and Names Act of 1967, which prohibits the cartooning of the
president;
• The Police Act
of 1946;
• The Official
Secrets Act of 1913 and
• The Censorship and
Control of Entertainments Act of 1968 (P-16)
The Four theories of
the Press, have therefore not outlived their usefulness in explaining
government-media relationship in Malawi, especially considering that even with
the social responsibility as being the main stay for the country’s modus
operandi of the media, there are still laws regulating the media which are
still under the leash of government.
The theories are still
useful considering the changing dynamics of the media with the advent of the
internet which necessitate what Severin and Tankard said:
“Media must assume
obligation of social responsibility; and if they do not, someone must see that
they do.”
References
1.
Barratt, E & Berger, G (2007). 50 Years of Journalism; African Media since
Ghana’s independence. Johannesburg, South Africa. The African Editors’
Forum, Highway Africa and Media Foundation for West Africa
2.
Gondwe, G (2011). Malawi repressive
media laws making a comeback. Retrieved from:
3.
Karthik, P (2012).What is the Four Theories of the Press? Retrieved from
4.
Kondowe, E.B.Z., Kishindo, P.J., &
Mkandawire F.R. (2011). Journalism Practice in Malawi: History, Progress and
Prospects. Blantyre Malawi. UNESCO
5.
Misa (1996). President Bakili Muluzi threatens to use sedition laws against
politicians who insult him. Retrieved from:
6.
Mochaba, K.,
Raffinetti, C., Vallabh S., & White J. (2003).
SADC Media Law: A Handbook for Media
Practitioners: A comparative overview of the laws and practice in Malawi,
Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe. Johannesburg, RSA. Konrad Adenauer
Foundation.
7.
Severin, W.J &Tankard, J.W. (2010). Communication Theories: Origins, Methods, and
Uses in the Mass Media. New York, US: Addison Wesley Longman
8.
Somerville, K (2013). Malawi’s muffled
media: Same as it ever was. Retrieved from:
9.
UK Essays (2010). Press Media Journalism. Retrieved from:
10.
VonDoepp,
P. (2012). Countries at the Crossroads 2012 – Malawi. Washington, USA. Freedom House.
available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/505c172d2d.html
[2]
Communication Theories, Origins, Methods, And Uses in the Mass Media, Fifth
Edition by Werner J. Severin & James W. Tankard, Jr
[3] 50 Years of Journalism; African Media
Since Ghana’s independence Edited by Elizabeth Barratt and Guy Berger
[4]
Journalism Practice in Malawi, History, Progress and Prospects by Kondowe et al
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